Democrats intend to turn their congressional victories into a challenge to President Trump’s energy policy, presenting clean power as a remedy for high electricity costs. However, it will be an uphill battle to convert control of Congress into legislation a Republican president will actually sign.

Democrats plan to pursue renewable energy incentives and investigate canceled grants and environmental rollbacks when their House and Senate majorities take office in January. Senator Sheldon Whitehouse argues that the administration’s hostility to clean energy has raised costs, while Republicans maintain that expanding oil, natural gas, and coal offers a cheaper, more reliable supply.

Trump has vowed to use his veto power aggressively, though he also anticipates some agreements. It’s an interesting predicament, as Democrats lack the votes to override him without Republican support. This leaves their ambitious proposals dependent on negotiation.

Permitting reform could offer common ground by accelerating energy projects across technologies, although deciding which developments benefit remains contentious. Beyond any agreement in Washington, Democratic governors elected in Texas and Georgia could pursue their own energy priorities. This gives the party a chance to demonstrate policies that a federal veto might otherwise confine to its 2028 platform.

Cheap electricity requires more than cheap generation. A wind or solar project may offer attractive operating costs, but connecting it to customers requires transmission, financing, and a system capable of meeting demand should its output fall. Fossil fuel plants offer different advantages but leave customers exposed to fickle fuel prices. Ultimately, neither party’s preferred technology will completely eliminate the bill…

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Democrats’ promise of lower electricity bills will depend in part on persuading companies to invest in new supply. Tax credits could help by covering some construction costs through the federal budget, allowing developers to charge less for power while still earning a return.

However, the expense would shift partly from electricity customers to taxpayers, which may not be popular. Repeated policy reversals are also likely to diminish the benefit. Developers committing money to projects expected to operate for decades may demand higher returns if they fear incentives or approvals will disappear after another election. Those financing costs could absorb some of the savings Democrats hope to deliver.

Republicans and Democrats need not agree on climate policy to recognize the cost of leaving viable projects awaiting approval. A deal that brings new supply online sooner would give both parties something to claim, while giving consumers a better prospect of relief than another round of competing energy promises.

Households could end up financing the energy transition twice: first through taxes that support new projects, and then through the utility charges that cover the infrastructure needed to connect them. While that investment may prove worthwhile, lower generating costs offer little comfort if the total bill rises.

Divided government could still produce a useful bargain if Democrats’ support for clean energy and Republicans’ emphasis on reliable supply translate into faster construction. It’s highly unlikely that either party would get its preferred energy policy in full, but both would have a vested interest in making the agreement work.